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The Subtle Harms of Psychedelic-Assisted Therapy and Facilitation (Part 2)

ed-prideaux

By Ed Prideaux

Johns Hopkins psilocybin session room SessionRm 2176x
in this article
  • Therapy as Exploitation
  • Psychedelics and Coercive Care
ed-prideaux

By Ed Prideaux

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Chemical Collective or any associated parties.

The Meaghan Buisson case is enough to illustrate why psychedelic therapy can be, safeguards notwithstanding, a dangerous enterprise. 

Investigative reporting and released session video show the guides spooning, blindfolding, and physically restraining her while she was in a highly altered state. Given that surveys suggest 7–12% of therapists in general settings admit to some sexual contact with clients, and the overwhelming majority report some degree of sexual attraction to clients, the combination of heightened suggestibility and physical touch under psychedelics can escalate swiftly. 

The amplifying effects of psychedelics occur in a number of dimensions.

Experiences of “ego dissolution” may intensify a pattern of transference between client and therapist; in that state, the practitioner’s touch and gaze can be felt as continuous with the person’s own experience almost as if it originates from within, making it difficult for clients to work out which impulses are theirs.

Psychedelics possess a unique “spiritual” character that might intensify another form of epistemic harm. The REBUS hypothesis (“relaxed beliefs under psychedelics”) holds that psychedelics temporarily loosen high‑level priors, making rigid beliefs revisable by enhancing bottom‑up influence. The Royal College of Psychiatrists warns that “unconscious material akin to dreams may be freely expressed and intense transference and countertransference experiences and potential enactments may occur.”

Part of the influence levied by therapists on their clients is the subtle moulding of worldviews. Even ordinary psychotherapy does not take easily to true conditions of falsification, let alone the more religious and faith-based ‘transpersonal’ domains. Freud famously reinterpreted reports of sexual abuse as expressive of “infantile fantasies”.

Interpreting another person’s dream is at best a subjective and hazardous undertaking”, Masson writes – and especially when one believes that “psychic phenomena” express clairvoyance. Clients of Jung report that many of their ordinary disclosures in sessions seemed to bore him. He declared to one client that he had foreseen her arrival the night before in a dream meeting with a “goddess”. Jung told the client that she must convert to orthodox Judaism “to fulfill [God’s] secret will.” Is Jung therefore declaring himself a prophet? When Dr Rick Doblin (his doctorate being in political science) sought FDA approval to expedite a “spiritualised humanity” by 2070, was he also playing the prophet game?

Timmermann et al. report that psychedelic use causes “significant shifts away from ‘physicalist’ or ‘materialist’ views, and towards panpsychism and fatalism,” changes that persist for at least six months and are “moderated by impressionability at baseline.” These are shifts in metaphysical worldview brought about in states where ordinary critical filters are pharmacologically weakened. Whatever one thinks of their truth, they are induced under conditions where the person cannot fully exercise the very rational capacities that would normally govern belief change.

The concept of the unconscious intensifies this asymmetry. E.M. Thornton notes “the astonishing thing about the concept of the unconscious mind is that its existence has never been experimentally proved, nor even scientifically investigated with any rigour,” yet it has “entered common currency by the back door.” Once an unconscious to which only the therapist has privileged access is posited, “anyone can put into it anything they wish without fear of being disproved,” since denial is re-coded as evidence. 

One flashpoint is that of “recovered memory”. In the 1980s–90s, a wave of “recovered memory therapy” used hypnosis, guided imagery, sodium amytal, and similar methods to “uncover” repressed childhood abuse; hundreds of people later alleged that these techniques created convincing but false memories, leading to malpractice and third‑party lawsuits. Psychedelic therapy raises parallel concerns because substances like psilocybin, LSD, and MDMA can markedly increase suggestibility and reduce the accuracy of recall, making any “memories” feel especially real. Users and therapists alike often treat psychedelic content as intrinsically truthful, speaking of “downloading” insights.

Psychedelic sessions are often rated among the most meaningful or spiritually significant events of a person’s life, and strong mystical‑type or peak experiences may be associated with larger and more enduring changes in attitudes and mood. When such an experience unfolds under the direction of a therapist, it can fuse existential gratitude, awe, and fear with the therapeutic relationship, making it far harder for clients to question the practitioner or exit the treatment – even if they later feel harmed or ambivalent. Set and setting models emphasise that extra‑pharmacological factors – music, room design, interpersonal style – co‑produce psychedelic effects. When those contextual levers are controlled by a professional embedded in a particular therapeutic, spiritual, or ideological framework, and when the session induces both mystical certainty and high suggestibility, the door opens to forms of undue influence that go beyond anything captured by standard psychotherapy risk frameworks, stretching into guruism and cult-like dynamics.

DMT research highlights a further novel risk: entity encounters. Surveys of thousands of DMT users report that the majority experience seemingly autonomous beings as conscious, intelligent, and benevolent, with around 69% reporting receiving messages and 19% reporting predictions about the future. Many come to view these entities as real and to revise their worldviews accordingly, including moving away from atheism and towards more spiritual or paranormal beliefs. There is no analogue in ordinary psychotherapy to a treatment that routinely induces persuasive encounters with apparently external intelligences that issue life‑guiding revelations and commands.

Philosophers have begun to frame psychedelic sessions as “transformative experiences” in L. A. Paul’s sense: events whose subjective character and downstream value changes cannot be known in advance, undermining the possibility of fully informed consent. Because patients cannot grasp beforehand how their values, metaphysical commitments, or standards of evidence may change, they cannot meaningfully evaluate all the relevant stakes when agreeing to treatment. Conventional therapy can be mis‑sold or poorly explained, but talk‑based methods do not typically produce sudden, pharmacologically mediated shifts in core epistemic norms.

Therapy as Exploitation

The subtle harms of therapy may consist in its economic character. Sometimes the biggest driver of success in therapy is “client motivation”. In this case, the client supplies the raw material and much of the core productive work: perhaps far more than the therapist. In the case of psychoanalysis, for instance, the therapist may literally sit and say nothing for the entire session.

Jeffrey Masson, a former psychoanalyst, notes in Against Therapy that some working clinicians would doze off and fall asleep in sessions! Not that he could make a scandal of this, however, since the referral process required cordial relations with other psychoanalysts in his local guild. We may say that the therapist provides a setting, timeslot, credential and attentive presence, functioning as the owner of the “capital” in the encounter. The requirement that the client reveal everything while the therapist remains relatively opaque undergirds a power differential that allows the therapist to extract both fees and psychic gratification. Is this akin to the exploitation of workers?

Clearly not always. The therapist can provide most of the value in the exchange: for Freddie deBoer, perhaps the therapist’s primary purpose in the case of treatment-resistant cases is the direct negation and challenge brought to clients’ own beliefs. Even if a therapist isn’t saying much, it’s what they say.

Still, psychotherapy may impose a significant financial burden that isn’t always worth it. In many systems, standard fees range from equivalents of £50–£200 per session or more, with weekly therapy quickly amounting to thousands per year. For people on modest incomes, this means working extra hours, accruing debt, or sacrificing other essentials to remain in treatment. As documented in Paul Moloney’s The Therapy Industry, the longer and more expensive the treatment, the stronger the client’s sunk‑cost pressures to believe it is helping and the harder it becomes to walk away – especially when financial sacrifice is folded back into a narrative of growth and “commitment to the work”.

Therapists may face their own financial pressures that drive them to increase the number of sessions. One US sample of therapists found they were more financially stressed than two-thirds of the national population, and around two-fifths left the profession that year. Many professionals are burned out and mistreated by employers. In one classic study, over 14 percent of therapists had been assaulted and just under two-fifths verbally threatened. The subtle harms of the art may reside with the therapist.

Moloney argues that the “most consequential function” of the therapy industry is to convert social misery into private pathology. “The therapy industry sells us illusions about our ability to better our lives through individual effort,” illusions that “fit rather conveniently with the neoliberal strictures of working life and consumption.” Moloney notes that lower‑class clients “gain less benefit from therapy, drop out more frequently,” and are more likely to present with “severe, entrenched forms of distress” tied to material deprivation, so that for them, talk therapy often becomes “sweet medicine”, a soothing adjustment that leaves the conditions producing their misery untouched. 

James Hillman captured this tension memorably. In his collaboration with Michael Ventura, he reflects that “we’ve had a hundred years of analysis, and people are getting more and more sensitive, and the world is getting worse and worse”. He warns that every time clients bring outrage about “the freeway, our misery over the office… the crime on the streets” into therapy, “we’re depriving the political world of something.”

Therapists are not representative of the average population. 

They are far more politically liberal and middle‑class than the populations they serve. Mental health professionals are substantially less religious than the general public. Whereas 90 percent of Americans report belief in God and regard faith as central to their lives, only a minority of psychologists and psychiatrists do so. This presents a particular concern for psychedelic therapies, whose experiences may raise the volume of religious and existential themes. 

As reported in The Therapy Industry, one study used matched voicemail scripts to find that middle‑class white callers were several times more likely to receive appointment offers than working‑class callers of any race, with working‑class black men especially disadvantaged. Once in treatment, lower‑income clients frequently report feeling misunderstood or judged, encountering advice that assumes discretionary time, money, and flexibility they do not have. Therapists tend to rate poorer clients as more severely ill and are more likely to steer them toward short‑term, “practical” interventions or medication, while offering more exploratory therapies to wealthier clients with similar symptom profiles.

Psychedelics and Coercive Care

Psychedelic therapy arose from transpersonal psychology, which aimed to honour spiritual and altered states beyond reductionist psychiatry. But it has entered practice on psychiatry’s terms. Clinical trials of psilocybin and MDMA are organised around standard DSM diagnoses such as major depressive disorder and PTSD, and rely on familiar rating scales like the Hamilton Depression Rating Scale and CAPS. At the same time, exclusion criteria systematically screen out those deemed highest risk: people with psychosis, bipolar history, severe suicidal attempts, substance dependence, or complex personality presentations. As reviewers note, this makes safety look better on paper while sharply limiting how far trial results can be generalised to real-world, distressed populations.

It also means that, when ‘things go badly’, the backstop is the ordinary psychiatric pathway: drugging and incarceration. Since no clear physical tests define most psychiatric diagnoses, commitment is triggered by subjective judgements beyond democratic reproach. This allows people to be kidnapped and deprived of liberty without having committed a crime. For Thomas Szasz, the controversial critic of psychiatry, the insistence that people change their beliefs and behaviour absent criminal offence was akin to ‘re-education’ efforts otherwise seen in cults and dictatorships. In works like The Myth of Mental Illness (1961) and Psychiatric Slavery (1977), Szasz argued that no amount of legal safeguard can legitimise coercion without compelling evidence that “mental illnesses” actually existed. Diagnosis often encodes social judgements about behaviour: what beliefs we deem “bizarre”, or “inappropriate” affects. 

The former chairman of the DSM-IV Taskforce, Dr Allen Frances, famously regarded diagnosis as “bullshit”. 

“There is no definition of a mental disorder. I mean, you just can’t define it.”

Dr Steven Hyman, former director of the National Institute of Mental Health, said the DSM was “totally wrong, an absolute scientific nightmare.”

Depriving another human being of their freedom through state kidnapping should meet a high evidentiary bar. With experts issuing comments like these, does this not constitute a prima facie reasonable doubt?

Not everyone agrees. Those same high-profile figures support occasional involuntary admission. Since the de-institutionalisations of the 1960s, during which state hospitals were shuttered with no substitutes, the carceral process has simply shifted from the horrendous state facilities of old to prisons, where mentally ill offenders will likely deteriorate. Critics like Freddie deBoer have argued that involuntary care is thereby underprovided: more than 60% of all U.S. counties, including 80% of rural counties, do not have a single psychiatrist. Those in psychiatric emergencies – including onsetting psychoses and suicidality – may be turned away from state hospitals if they lack specific admission notes. Failures to admit have resulted in countless deaths, deBoer claims, including the James Holmes and Virginia Tech shootings.

We may never know how many lives proper involuntary care would save: many of the severely mentally ill simply die on the streets with little sensible paperwork.

Still, for those who are appropriately sectioned, hospital care may not be ideal. A joint investigation has revealed thousands of complaints of sexual assault, abuse and harassment in England’s mental health trusts since 2019, with experts characterising NHS psychiatric care as “collapsing”. In the United States, a federal Senate inquiry has documented sexual abuse, misuse of seclusion and chemical restraint, and scores of deaths and injuries.

In England, CCTV at St Andrew’s Healthcare in Northampton captured staff assaulting a restrained patient, leading regulators to express “extreme concern” about physical and sexual abuse on the wards. In Scotland, reporting on the country’s largest children’s psychiatric hospital described teenagers being openly mocked by nurses and spoke of a “culture of cruelty”.

England’s 2023/24 public‑health profiles report a rate of 7.7 hospital admissions per 100,000 people for drug‑related mental and behavioural disorders. Granular data on hallucinogens are not immediately accessible. Over the same period, there were about 52,458 detentions under the Mental Health Act in England (around 93–95 detentions per 100,000). Roughly 40% of acute adult psychiatric inpatients are, at some point in their stay, subject to compulsory powers.

This implies an approximate 1,800 drug‑related forced hospitalisations in recent English data. How many had their lives saved by the process? How many suffered extreme abuse and trauma? We may never know.

Population data illustrate how badly psychedelic crises can intersect with this infrastructure. A Canadian cohort study of over 77,000 people found that those attending emergency departments for hallucinogen-related problems had markedly elevated five‑year mortality compared with matched controls. Another large study reported that individuals with hallucinogen-related emergency visits had a dramatically increased risk of later schizophrenia diagnoses, even after adjusting for other substances and prior mental health problems. These figures come from uncontrolled, real-world use rather than therapy trials, but they reveal where people end up when psychedelic experiences destabilise them: emergency psychiatry.

Psychedelic therapy, as currently implemented, continues this pattern: it borrows spiritual language but anchors itself in the very diagnostic and institutional systems it once sought to surpass.

From this perspective, psychedelic therapy does not resolve the core ethical and political problems of psychiatry and psychotherapy. Insofar as the field is “medicalised” and broadly distant from criminal reform, a central “subtle harm” is unaddressed. 

Psychedelic drugs remain federally illegal in the United States and a Class A drug in the UK. If one sought ‘underground’ therapy, one would risk arrest and detention. It is unknown how many people are incarcerated for hallucinogen-specific offences, but it is in the thousands. As of 2023/24, around 2,000 people are imprisoned in the United States for offences related to ‘other’ drugs, including MDMA and LSD. One famous population is the Deadheads, targeted under a DEA “LSD Task Force”. Of the 2,000 Deadhead drug dealers reportedly incarcerated in the 1990s, many under mandatory life sentences, it is unknown how many remain in custody. In England and Wales, police recorded around 181,000 drug offences in 2023/24, with cannabis present in roughly three‑quarters of all drug seizures. It is not clear how many were incarcerated for hallucinogen-related offences.

The “new” risks of psychedelic therapy, those of profound disruptions of belief and self-world relations, are folded into “old” architectures of control.

Ed Prideaux | Community Blogger at Chemical Collective

Ed is one of our community bloggers here at Chemical Collective. If you’re interested in joining our blogging team and getting paid to write about subjects you’re passionate about, please reach out to Sam via email at samwoolfe@gmail.com

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